https://www.chistorys.ir/ Muṭāli̒āt-i tārīkh-i farhangī(Cultural History Studies) en daily 1 Fri, 20 Feb 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Fri, 20 Feb 2026 00:00:00 +0330 https://www.chistorys.ir/article_242647.html The results indicate that Jalāl al-Dīn Moḥammad Davānī’s account of ʿAlī Mīrzā’s inscriptional activity at Persepolis corresponds closely with the extant inscriptions; nevertheless, it is unlikely that ʿAlī Mīrzā himself acted as the scribe of both. Rather, the execution of the inscriptions may be attributed to calligraphers or secretaries attached to the court of Sulṭān Khalīl. At minimum, the inscription on the eastern window of the portico of the Tachara Palace should be ascribed to Aḥmad b. Ḥusayn. Furthermore, a comparative examination of the extant manuscript copies of Davānī’s treatise makes it possible to determine that Uzun Ḥasan’s military review took place in Shaʿbān 881 AH/1476 AD, thereby allowing for a more precise dating of both the ceremony and the execution of ʿAlī Mīrzā’s inscriptions at Persepolis. https://www.chistorys.ir/article_242655.html Examining the experiences of Muslim thinkers in facing a concept such as "national identity", which still engages Muslim societies at various social levels, is essential. In this article, an effort has been made to study the manner in which Ziya Gökalp – one of the most important thinkers of the Anatolian region – engages with this issue, in comparison with the views of Max Weber, who himself was involved in a similar challenge, so as to achieve a deeper explanation of the type of intellectual formulation of Gökalp on this subject. In this article, using the document-library study method, the collected data and information have been compared and descriptively analyzed. The findings show that one of the most obvious points of difference between these two aforementioned thinkers is that, according to Weber, the most important aspect of nationality is political action and nationality is a new political construct, but according to Gökalp, nations have always existed and the national spirit has been unconsciously tangible among them. In terms of common points, both thinkers have sought a cultural-linguistic explanation of the issue of national identity and have emphasized the role of the state and political action, but in practice, this cultural-linguistic aspect takes on a hostile and violent aspect in the face of political challenges. https://www.chistorys.ir/article_243913.html During the urban conflicts in Tabriz in 1326 AH (1908 AD), bread was the most essential item in the daily consumption basket of the city's residents. A shortage of bread led to social unrest, making its provision a crucial task for local authorities. Proper management and systematic distribution of bread and grain alleviated public fear and anxiety, granting political legitimacy to the ruling powers. Both sides of the conflict sought to use this necessity against one another. Effective management of government and feudal grain resources, the grain depot located in the Arg (Citadel) of the government, and organized distribution methods were central topics in the Provincial Council's discussions, aimed at lowering bread prices and resolving bread supply issues. The autocratic forces obstructed the delivery of grain to the government Arg and pro-constitutional neighborhoods. This study aims to examine the relationship between the legitimacy (or lack thereof) of the political system and the provision of grain and bread to the people of Tabriz during the urban warfare between the two factions. Using a descriptive and analytical approach, it seeks to answer the fundamental question ‘How did the people and local authorities on both the constitutionalist and autocratic sides perceive the connection between grain and bread supply and the legitimacy of political authority?’ The findings indicate that opponents of constitutionalism attempted to disrupt the procurement and distribution of bread—especially during crises—to create shortages and instill fear among the public. In contrast, the constitutionalists aimed to enhance the grain and bread supply system, reduce public anxiety in their supporting neighborhoods, and cause disruption in the opposing areas to bolster their own legitimacy. https://www.chistorys.ir/article_244957.html Mirza Agha Khan Kermani was a critic of tradition and one of the first intellectuals to gain fame in the Constitutional Revolution. He had a religious and traditional education, but due to encountering various modern and traditional ideas, he had critical approaches towards the traditional world of the era and its history. Therefore, he had problems and challenges with the rulers of the cities of Kerman and Isfahan, and went to Tehran and then to Ottoman, where, while being very active, he finally died on charges of plotting to assassinate Nasser al-Din Shah. He adopted a critical and biting tone towards any issue that had no relation to the modern world or ancient Iran. Now, the question is, what is Kermani's critical view and attitude towards the history of Iran, and especially the history of the Safavids, which he considered to be in line with the unfortunate history of the Islamic period? In the meantime, how did he conceive of the Safavid government and how did he formulate its characteristics and results? The author, using a descriptive-analytical method, comes to the conclusion that despite his sharp and biting criticisms, Kermani lacks a coherent and even scholarly idea. In his study of Safavid history, he expressed his critical tone with a one-dimensional, simplistic, and superficial approach. It seems that the main reason for Kermani's approach is a kind of confusion of historical thought in criticism and a lack of proper knowledge of history in the sense of scholarly study. In his opinion, the Safavids were close to the modern era, but due to superstitions, they were unable to be consistent with the West. Such a stance on the issue is very superficial and results from ignoring its fundamental issues. In his study of the superstitious aspect of Safavidism, he did not realize that superstitions were not cause and effect, but rather were themselves the effect of a deeper context https://www.chistorys.ir/article_245100.html Developments concerning the status of religious minorities in Qajar era Iran were shaped by the interaction of internal factors and foreign interventions. The expanding influence of European powers and Iran’s increasing connections with them created new grounds for redefining the position of minority groups. Among these powers, the role of Britain—due to its historical ties with and strategic interests in the Zoroastrian community of India (the Parsis)—became particularly prominent.This study aims to examine Britain’s role in the abolition of the jizya tax imposed on Zoroastrians during the Qajar period. The central question is: What role did the British government play in the process of abolishing the jizya, and through what instruments and mechanisms did it exert its influence?Using a descriptive analytical method and drawing on archival documents, Qajar period newspapers, and historical sources, this research argues that despite the significance of internal dynamics, Britain’s continuous and coordinated pressure—through formal and semi formal diplomacy, letters of introduction, on the ground support, diplomatic lobbying, and the creation of a protective political umbrella—played an effective role in persuading the Qajar state to abolish the jizya. https://www.chistorys.ir/article_245214.html One of the most important physiological needs of humans and basically every living being is the need for food, the lack of which can cause illness and eventually death. In the Qajar period, due to the droughts and famines that occurred, the first concern of most Iranians, especially the deprived and inferior classes of the society, was bread and food. But some nobles and nobles, who were not worried about their food supply, often sought to show their identity to other classes through food. This research seeks to find a suitable and appropriate answer to the following questions by descriptive-analytical method and using Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs theory: What was the view of the lower classes of Iranian society in the Qajar era towards the category of food? What has been the attitude of upper classes towards this matter?The findings of the research show that the subalterns deprived of bread and food, and caught in the shackles of this physiological need, have an opportunity or interest to pay attention to gaining the respect of others and respecting their dignity through observance of ceremonies, decorations and luxuries in They did not have a table and they turned to simplicity, cheapness and immediate use of food to satisfy the need of hunger, but on the contrary, Faradastan did not need food, in order to gain the respect of others and to show their dignity, dignity and identity,